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Iraq
Policy Interactive Component ©
2003
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ALTERNATIVES TO WAR WITH IRAQ Friends Committee on National Legislation ALTERNATIVES TO WAR AGAINST IRAQ Many Members of Congress who voted to authorize preemptive military action against Iraq did so in the hopes that it would make war less likely. By making clear that the U.S. was willing to act, unilaterally if necessary, they sought to pressure the Iraqi regime into compliance with international law. A similar case was made to win adoption of a strong resolution by the UN Security Council. Although war has been threatened, it is by no means inevitable. The U.S. and the UN now have a unique window of opportunity to remove the threat posed by Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD) through weapons inspections and peaceful diplomacy. There are numerous steps that the U.S. can take now, with real possibilities for success, at lower cost and without the grave long-term consequences of war. Provide sufficient time and resources for the UNMOVIC weapons inspectors to complete their mission. UN inspections have the best chance for a peaceful outcome. This is the safest, most effective, and least expensive way to assure that Iraq does not have weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Before inspections were halted in 1998, UN weapons inspectors had succeeded in removing and destroying all of Iraq's primary nuclear weapons production facilities, dismantling its ballistic missiles, eliminating most of its chemical weapons stockpiles and production capacity, and uncovering its biological weapons programs. An enhanced inspection system would not only disarm Iraq, but it would provide the means for continuous monitoring and verification. The international community supports this approach. Sufficient time must now be given for UN inspectors to complete their task. Tighten enforcement of the UN weapons embargo. The current arms embargo against Iraq has not been rigorously enforced, and, reportedly, an number of countries have been exporting militarily useful equipment to Iraq with impunity. Stationing inspectors and monitoring technology (such as x-ray scanners and chemical sensors) at border crossings, as well as at the port of Aqaba, could help prevent Iraq from acquiring weapons and components from abroad. In addition, a more vigorous, multilateral effort to expose and penalize arms embargo violations would address the supply side. Expand programs to secure and safely destroy WMD stockpiles in the former Soviet Union and elsewhere. The cheapest and easiest way for Iraq or others to obtain WMD is to buy smuggled weapons or materials on the illicit market. Stockpiles of WMD in the former Soviet Union remain relatively unsecured. In January 2001, a bipartisan task force chaired by former Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker and former White House Counsel Lloyd Cutler recommended that the U.S. develop an 8 to10 year, $30 billion strategic plan to safeguard or destroy all nuclear weapons-usable materials in Russia. This plan, which could prevent Iraq or others from obtaining the highly-enriched uranium needed to construct a nuclear bomb, remains to be fully implemented. Adequately funding this plan and strengthening the Nunn-Lugar threat reduction program are imperative for security. Stop threatening to violently overthrow of the Iraqi regime. The Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 made regime change the policy of the U.S. government, and both the Bush and Clinton administrations have made this the focus of their efforts. This policy is contrary to the UN Charter (Article 2) and undercuts international support for U.S. efforts to disarm Iraq. To give the inspections a better chance to work, the U.S. should declare that it will not seek regime change if Iraq cooperates with inspections. Stop bombing Iraqi military installations. Since the end of the war in 1991, the U.S. and the U.K. (and, until 1998, France), at their own initiative, have militarily enforced "no fly" zones over northern and southern Iraq. Frequently, the Iraqi military activates its air defenses when U.S. and U.K. aircraft enter Iraqi air space. U.S. and UK aircraft have responded by bombing Iraqi air defense installations. Often, innocent civilians nearby have been killed or injured as a result. The bombing has done nothing to advance Iraqi compliance with UN Security Council resolutions. However, it has strengthened the Iraqi regime. Saddam has effectively used the attacks to his political advantage at home and abroad, portraying himself as the fearless, lone, Arab defender of Iraqi sovereignty against U.S. imperialism. Reduce U.S. oil dependency. U.S. and global dependence on Persian Gulf oil gives inordinate power to Saddam Hussein and other undemocratic regimes in the Persian Gulf region. Fourteen percent of current U.S. oil consumption is imported from the Middle East, and Iraq's known oil reserves are second only to those of Saudi Arabia. Because of the over-dependence of the U.S. and many of its allies on Persian Gulf oil, our diplomatic and economic leverage to resolve crises peacefully is sharply reduced, and our policy options are limited. To avoid another dangerous, potentially devastating war over oil, Congress should enact a sensible national energy policy that reduces wasteful oil consumption, improves energy efficiency, promotes conservation, and develops alternative, renewable sources of energy. Pursue regional disarmament. No matter who controls the government of Iraq, there will remain strong incentives to build WMD. Iraq is situated between long-time enemies-Israel, which has nuclear weapons, Syria, which has chemical weapons, and Iran, which is suspected of developing WMD. Until WMD are eliminated from the region and the security of each country is assured by other diplomatic means, governments in the region will likely continue to pursue these weapons. UN Security Council Resolution 1284 calls for negotiations for a WMD-free zone in the Middle East. The U.S. should lead this effort promptly. Redouble U.S. diplomatic efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The U.S. is widely perceived throughout the Middle East and Muslim world to be siding with Israel rather than playing the role of honest broker for peace. Saddam Hussein has taken up the Palestinian cause as an excuse to destabilize the region and to strengthen his own dictatorial rule. By addressing legitimate Palestinian grievances and bringing full diplomatic pressure to bear for a just and peaceful resolution, the U.S. could deprive Saddam of internal and external allies, as well as of his rationale for obtaining advanced weapons. End the UN economic sanctions. After
a dozen years, the U.S.-led UN sanctions have utterly failed to achieve
the intended goal to coerce Saddam Hussein to comply with Security Council
resolutions. Rather, the sanctions have strengthened Saddam's grip on
power, undercut his opposition at home, and improved his standing as
an Arab leader among sympathizers abroad. The 1991 war and economic
sanctions have pushed Iraq's standard of living, once among the highest
in the Middle East, into the abyss. Tens of thousands of Iraqis have
died from curable and preventable diseases for want of adequate nutrition,
medical supplies, clean water, and sanitation. If civil society is to
be restored in Iraq as it must be if there is to be any hope for positive
political and social change in the future, the civilian economy must
be restored, the ban on civilian travel must be lifted (except for officials
in the Iraqi regime) and normal international trade in civilian goods
must be resumed. Non-military alternatives for disarming Iraq of its
weapons of mass destruction and increasing peace and stability in the
Middle East do exist. Why not pursue them?
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